However, archeological and iconographic evidence reveals increasing receptivity to Iranian material culture throughout Anatolia.
Such “Iranizing” both reinforces the evidence for a Persian presence and provides a background for cultural relations with Greece.
It is uncertain to what extent Greeks and even Western Anatolians were informed observers of Persian material culture, able to distinguish closely the lands and peoples (especially the Iranian peoples) of the empire.
Intensified excavation in Turkey and restudy of finds from older excavations now affirm a significant Persian presence in Anatolia (Sekunda, 1985, 1988, and 1991).
Much is the indirect evidence of instances of local acculturation (for details see below).
Recent discoveries confirm an expectation that the imperial iconography developed at Persepolis and Susa was exported to the regional capitals (cf. ) Artaxerxes I from Daskyleion with the king enthroned surrounded by attendants confirms the probable role of glyptic in circulating Persian visual concepts (AMI 22, 1989, p. 1." href="/img/v11f3/Greece_ii_plate01.jpg"PLATE I; Kaptan; for some implications for visual communication, see Root).
Seidl): the Achaemenid-style procession relief sculptures at Medancıkkale, Cilicia (Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker), and the cloth-bearing processants painted in a tomb at Harta in Lydia (Özgen and Öztürk, p. For three generations in the Archaic period and again in the 4th century B. E., the Greek cities of Western Anatolia were part of the Persian Empire, although they never lost contact with the states of mainland Greece (Debord).
With its hunt and battle scenes featuring what looks to be a Persian leader, the new sarcophagus from Çan both links with elite Persian art elsewhere in western Anatolia and also suggests the sort of product on which the less prestigious funer-ary stelai were modelled for an often local population (Sevinç, forthcoming). Mandrokles’ painting of Darius’ review of his imperial army, dedicated at the Samian Heraion (Herodotus, 4.88), may truly be regarded as “Greco-Persian” art (Hölscher, p. Not until her 4th-century period of independence from Lycian control under the satrapal Hekatomnid dynasty does Achaemenid Caria have a strong archeological character. It is not always clear whether the Achaemenidizing features are merely iconographic borrowings from Persian imperial monuments, or “veristic representations of a Lycian society embued with Persian practise” (Bernard, p. While Thracian absorption of Greek ideas in architecture, dress, ornament and military equipment is stronger, in the 5th century B. The duration and extent of Persian direct control of Thrace is much debated (Archibald, pp. Concomitant adoption of Persian drinking customs and royal practise, notably gift-giving, is suspected (Archibald; Ebbinghaus; Zournatzi). Further west, several of the Greek cities in the Chalkidike minted coins in the late Archaic period (i.e., under Persian dominion) with what seem to be Achaemenid subjects: a lion attacking a boar or a bull, a subject well known from Persepolis, possibly a sort of insignia of royal power (Root, p. There has been no doubt that late-4th-century Macedon responded to the influx of spoils from the campaigns of Alexander. Moreover, a dining couch with glass frit Achaemenid turned legs excavated from a cist tomb at Pella of about 300 B. A segment of the interior painting on a tomb of about 300 B. Perhaps actual spoils are preserved: a glass deep bowl of around 350-25 B. 645-46, for two silver-protome rhyta identified as Greek; Miller, 1997, pp. It should be noted that despite this phenomenon, the bulk of Attic and Greek ceramic remained unchanged. E.; often an “intentional red” finish was added to the horizontally-fluted bowl, yielding a bichrome effect (PLATE VI; Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsemmlungen Inv. All appear to have been imports from the Persian East, together with the slave that carried them, and were introduced for Athenian women, in contrast to the oriental model.